Insider: Short of War

Boxing with Shadows: Drawbacks in US Counterstrategies Against the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and Russian Wagner Group

by Dalton T. Fuss, a US Army Special Forces Officer, and Nakissa P. Jahanbani, a senior analyst at the Afghanistan War Commission, as a part of Project Proxies and Partners
 
This essay examines the shortcomings in U.S. strategies against the Wagner Group and Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). It highlights two key issues: these groups' ability to operate in obscure regions with little scrutiny, and the U.S. government's poor coordination of its national assets. The authors argue that adversaries like Russia and Iran employ more cohesive approaches combining soft and hard power, while the U.S. struggles with a fragmented strategy. They call for improved inter-agency coordination, increased international awareness, and a multifaceted approach to counter these groups' influence in vulnerable regions.
 
The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not reflect the official position of the Irregular Warfare Initiative, Princeton University’s Empirical Studies of Conflict Project, the Modern War Institute at West Point, or the United States Government.
The essay can be found on the Irregular Warfare Initiative's website.
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Shining a Light: Highlighting Successes in US Counterstrategies Against the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and Russian Wagner Group

Shining a Light: Highlighting Successes in US Counterstrategies Against the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and Russian Wagner Group
 
by Dalton T. Fuss, a US Army Special Forces Officer, and Nakissa P. Jahanbani, a senior analyst at the Afghanistan War Commission, as a part of Project Proxies and Partners
 
This essay, the first installment of a two-part series, examines successful US counterstrategies against the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Russian Wagner Group. It focuses on two key approaches: leveraging open-source intelligence to expose these organizations' structures and operations, and utilizing direct military force when necessary. The authors highlight the similarities between these state-affiliated non-state actors, their methods of operation, and the challenges they pose to US interests. By analyzing these successes, the article provides valuable insights for policymakers, military strategists, and intelligence officials dealing with similar threats in regions such as Africa, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe. The piece emphasizes the importance of adaptability, innovation, and coordinated efforts across various instruments of national power in effectively countering these shadowy organizations, while also noting the ongoing challenges the US faces in presenting a unified front against such adversaries. This first part sets the stage for a deeper exploration of the topic in the subsequent installment.
 
The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not reflect the official position of the Irregular Warfare Initiative, Princeton University’s Empirical Studies of Conflict Project, the Modern War Institute at West Point, or the United States Government.
The essay can be found on the Irregular Warfare Initiative's website.
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Autonomous Ghosts are Reshaping Irregular Warfare and Maritime Security

Autonomous Ghosts are Reshaping Irregular Warfare and Maritime Security
by Laurel Baker the 2024 Rising Expert on Geostrategy in the Rising Experts Program at Young Professionals in Foreign Policy in collaboration with the Irregular Warfare Initiative's Project Maritime. Baker works for the Pacific Northwest National Laboratory as a National Nuclear Security Administration Graduate Fellow.
 
Laurel Baker explores the emerging threat of unmanned maritime vehicles (UMVs) and their profound impact on irregular warfare and international security. Baker examines how these autonomous systems are reshaping naval strategy, challenging traditional maritime force compositions, and complicating the attribution of aggression at sea. She delves into the vulnerabilities of critical underwater infrastructure, particularly undersea cables, and how UMVs could be used for surveillance and sabotage. The piece discusses recent incidents involving UMVs, from Russian mapping operations to Houthi attacks, highlighting the lowered barriers to entry in maritime conflicts. Baker also addresses the legal and operational challenges posed by UMVs, including gaps in maritime law and difficulties in enforcement. The essay concludes by considering the implications for naval powers like the United States, suggesting the need for both defensive and offensive UMV capabilities, as well as regulatory reforms to address this new frontier in maritime security. Throughout, Baker emphasizes the dual nature of UMVs as both potential threats and valuable assets in the evolving landscape of naval warfare.
The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not reflect the official position of the Pacific Northwest National Laboratories, Irregular Warfare Initiative, Princeton University’s Empirical Studies of Conflict Project, the Modern War Institute at West Point, or the United States Government.
The essay can be found on the Irregular Warfare Initiative's website.
If you value reading the Irregular Warfare Initiative, please consider supporting our work. And for the best gear, check out the IWI store for mugs, coasters, apparel, and other items. Subscribe to this podcast and leave us a review.
 
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Uprooting the Enemy: A New Paradigm for Irregular Warfare Analysis

Uprooting the Enemy: A New Paradigm for Irregular Warfare Analysis
by Nicholas Krohley founder of Frontline Advisory. This article and accompanying report are a part of Project SOF in Competition. The report titled Integrated Understanding: Re-Thinking the Human Environment of Military Operations, is the first of the Irregular Warfare Initiative's occasional paper series.
 
Nicholas Krohley argues for the professionalization of analytical approaches in irregular warfare. He contends that while the U.S. has emphasized irregular warfare as an operational activity, it has neglected to develop a robust, systematic understanding of the environments where such warfare occurs. Krohley critiques past analytical shortcomings in counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency operations, highlighting how limited frameworks led to strategic failures. He proposes institutionalizing a more comprehensive analytical foundation for irregular warfare, suggesting the development of standardized products like a "Root Map" to better understand adversaries within their operational contexts. This approach, Krohley asserts, would integrate enemy-centric intelligence with broader environmental factors, potentially enhancing the design, execution, and evaluation of irregular warfare campaigns across the competition continuum.
The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not reflect the official position of the Irregular Warfare Initiative, Princeton University’s Empirical Studies of Conflict Project, the Modern War Institute at West Point, or the United States Government.
The essay can be found on the Irregular Warfare Initiative's website.
If you value reading the Irregular Warfare Initiative, please consider supporting our work. And for the best gear, check out the IWI store for mugs, coasters, apparel, and other items. Subscribe to this podcast and leave us a review.
 
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Burma's Quest for Drone Supremacy: A Cautionary Tale

Burma's Quest for Drone Supremacy: A Cautionary Tale
by Beau Chapman, Alexander Suster, and Steven Ahart from the University of Texas Austin's Global Disinformation Lab in collaboration with the Irregular Warfare Initiative's Project Air and Space Power.
 
Burma's military junta, in its desperate bid to maintain power, has embarked on a complex and controversial journey into the world of drone warfare. From ambitious domestic production plans to covert international dealings, the regime's quest for aerial supremacy reveals a stark tale of grandiose dreams colliding with harsh realities. This deeply researched exposé traces the evolution of Burma's drone program, uncovering collaborations with China, Russia, and potentially Iran, while highlighting the junta's pivot to smaller, more practical drone solutions in the face of ongoing civil strife. As the military adapts its tactics, equipping commercial drones with locally manufactured bombs, the piece illuminates not only Burma's internal struggles but also the wider implications for regional stability and global efforts to control drone proliferation. Ultimately, this analysis offers critical insights into the challenges of regulating emerging military technologies and the potential for their misuse by authoritarian regimes.
 
The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not reflect the official position of the Irregular Warfare Initiative, Princeton University’s Empirical Studies of Conflict Project, the Modern War Institute at West Point, or the United States Government.
The link to the essay can be found here at the Irregular Warfare Initiative's website.
If you value reading the Irregular Warfare Initiative, please consider supporting our work. And for the best gear, check out the IWI store for mugs, coasters, apparel, and other items. Subscribe to this podcast and leave us a review.
 
Until next time,
 
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Seize the Advantage: Three Models to Improve Security Cooperation Planning

Seize the Advantage: Three Models to Improve Security Cooperation Planning
In this essay, James P. Micciche, a US Army Strategist, presents a comprehensive framework for improving security cooperation planning and execution in support of U.S. defense strategy. He proposes three interconnected models: one that emphasizes clearly defined objectives tied to policy goals, another that focuses on understanding the operating environment with particular attention to partner nations' capabilities and institutions, and a third that advocates for developing campaigns of integrated, coordinated, and sequenced efforts. Micciche argues that by implementing these models, the United States can better leverage its network of allies and partners as a strategic advantage, aligning with the goals of the 2022 National Defense Strategy. The essay underscores the importance of moving beyond discrete security cooperation activities to a more holistic, campaign-oriented approach that maximizes limited resources and accounts for wide-ranging effects in an era of strategic competition.
The link to the essay can be found here at the Irregular Warfare Initiative's website.
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The Peril of Ignoring the Legitimacy of Violent Non-State Actors

 
The Peril of Ignoring the Legitimacy of Violent Non-State Actors
This episode explores the often-overlooked legitimacy of violent non-state actors and its implications for international security. We delve into how insurgent groups gain support from local populations and why current approaches to countering them often fall short. Our experts discuss case studies from ISIS to African separatist movements, offering insights on how democracies can more effectively address the root causes of insurgencies in an era of great power competition.
About the Authors:
Santiago Stocker is a Program Director at the International Republican Institute (IRI) and previously served as a Director in the State Department’s Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations. The thoughts expressed in this piece are his own.
Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham is Professor of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland and is a 2024 Non-Resident Fellow with the Irregular Warfare Initiative, a joint production of Princeton's Empirical Studies of Conflict Project and the Modern War Institute at West Point. The thoughts expressed in this piece are her own.
 
The views expressed are those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the Irregular Warfare Initiative, Princeton University’s Empirical Studies of Conflict Project, the Modern War Institute at West Point, or the United States Government.
 
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The Cacti and the Grass: The Collapse of Afghanistan's Security Forces

By Antonio Salinas
 
The Cacti and the Grass: The Collapse of Afghanistan's Security Forces
Antonio Salinas offers a unique perspective on the collapse of the Afghan National Defense Security Forces (ANDSF) following the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. Through his "Cacti and Grass" analogy, Salinas illustrates how the U.S. attempted to cultivate a Western-style security force in an environment fundamentally unsuited for such structures. Drawing from his personal experiences and extensive research, Salinas examines the cultural mismatches, strategic oversights, and socio-political realities that contributed to the ANDSF's rapid disintegration. This insightful analysis not only sheds light on the complexities of the Afghanistan conflict but also offers valuable lessons for future foreign security assistance efforts.
 
Antonio Salinas is an active duty Army lieutenant colonel and PhD student in the Department of History at Georgetown University, where he focuses on the history of climate and conflict. Following his coursework, he will teach at the National Intelligence University. Salinas has twenty-five years of military service in the Marine Corps and the United States Army, where he led soldiers in Afghanistan and Iraq. He is the author of Siren’s Song: The Allure of War and Boot Camp: The Making of a United States Marine.
 
The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not reflect the official position of the Irregular Warfare Initiative, Princeton University’s Empirical Studies of Conflict Project, the Modern War Institute at West Point, or the United States Government.
 
If you value reading the Irregular Warfare Initiative, please consider supporting our work. And for the best gear, check out the IWI store for mugs, coasters, apparel, and other items.

Irregular Warfare at Sea: Using Privateers To Seize Chinese Commerce

by Christopher Booth
Editor’s Note I: This article is part of IWI’s Project Maritime, a series exploring the intersection of irregular warfare and the modern maritime dimension. Focusing on current events and their underlying geographical and historical patterns, we aim to contextualize the drivers of conflict in the maritime domain and inspire dialogue on integrated statecraft approaches. We warmly invite your participation and engagement. Please send submissions to Submit An Article with the subject line “Project Maritime Submission.” Follow us @proj_maritime and check out our Project Maritime Look Book.
Editor’s Note II: IWI is pleased to announce Christopher Booth and Walker Mills as the new directors of Project Maritime. Their extensive expertise in irregular warfare, national security, and the maritime domain will significantly enhance our ability to provide unique insights into contemporary maritime challenges. Both Chris and Walker have been non-resident fellows and have written extensively for IWI in the past. We're thrilled to have them join IWI and Project Maritime in leadership roles.
In response to China's growing maritime power and America's naval vulnerabilities, Christoper Booth proposes a controversial solution: reviving privateering. He argues that employing private actors to raid Chinese commerce could provide an asymmetric advantage in a potential long-term conflict, addressing US shipbuilding deficiencies and exploiting China's reliance on maritime trade. Drawing parallels with historical precedents and recent irregular warfare tactics, the essay explores the legal and ethical considerations of privateering while challenging conventional thinking on naval strategy. This provocative proposal aims to spark discussion on innovative approaches to maritime warfare in the 21st century.
About the Author: Christopher D. Booth is a non-resident fellow with the Irregular Warfare Initiative and co-director of Project Maritime. He has more than two decades of experience in national security and international relations, first serving on active duty as an Army armor and cavalry officer. He is a Distinguished Graduate of Command and Staff College–Marine Corps University and graduated from Vanderbilt University Law School and the College of William and Mary.
The views expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official position of the Irregular Warfare Initiative, Princeton University’s Empirical Studies of Conflict Project, the Modern War Institute at West Point, or the United States Government.
 

Eroding Global Stability: The Cybersecurity Strategies Of China, Russia, North Korea, And Iran

Eroding Global Stability: The Cybersecurity Strategies Of China, Russia, North Korea, And Iran
 

In recent years, declarations like “no-limits partnership,” “comprehensive agreement,” and “security partnership” between the United States’ adversaries have become increasingly common. On May 16, 2024, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese Communist Party Leader Xi Jinping reaffirmed their comprehensive partnership during their historic 43rd meeting. Since Russia invaded Ukraine on February 24, 2022, Russian-Iranian collaboration has reached new levels, with Iranian drones becoming a familiar site over the battlefields. North Korea too, has upped its cooperation with Russia, working closely on schemes to avoid Western sanctions and even signing a mutual defense pact on June 19, 2024. The extent to which America’s adversaries cooperate on cybersecurity remains less understood but is a growing concern.
 
However, as unified Western actions against rogue and adversarial states have increased (e.g., sanctions, public shaming, etc.) and hot wars roil Ukraine and Israel, the agreements and cooperation among China, Russia, North Korea, and Iran have similarly grown stronger and more unified. In this context, the cybersecurity strategies of China, Russia, North Korea, and Iran have emerged as significant and irregular threats to global stability, threatening the contemporary geopolitical landscape. Furthermore, each nation has developed sophisticated cyber capabilities designed to asymmetrically attack the international security frameworks established by NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) and Western powers. It is, therefore, important to assess how US adversaries collaborate in cyberspace and are using asymmetric and irregular tactics to undermine the liberal world order.
 
Strategic Cybersecurity Alliances
 
State-sponsored malicious cyber actors from China, Russia, North Korea, and Iran increasingly dominate the cyber threat landscape and are driven by geopolitical, economic, and military objectives. Moreover, adversaries develop capabilities for strategic ends, blurring the line between irregular and conventional warfare in cyberspace. Importantly, their efforts are not strictly unilateral, as evidence increasingly points toward formal and informal collaboration among rogue states in cyberspace. For example, Chinese and Russian cyber actors have been known to share malware and exploit kits, enabling more sophisticated attacks. Additionally, joint operations, like coordinated disinformation campaigns, have been observed, highlighting our adversaries’ willingness to coordinate influence operations.
 
Furthermore, China, Russia, North Korea, and Iran also leverage emerging technologies, like artificial intelligence (AI) and generative AI, to enhance their cyber capabilities. Disruptive technologies can enhance already sophisticated cyber operations and allow for automated attacks, deep-fakes, and advanced social engineering tactics. AI in cyber operations poses new challenges for cybersecurity defenders as it increases the complexity, scale, and pace of potential attacks. How these nations use cyber capabilities, and leverage asymmetric advantages for strategic ends, underscores the need for greater international cooperation and more robust policy coordination to counter these irregular threats.
 
People’s Republic of China
 
China's journey toward becoming a cyber power began in the early 2000s. At the helm is the Central Commission for Cybersecurity and Informatization (CCCI), chaired by President Xi Jinping, as well as the Ministry of State Security, the Ministry of Public Security, and the Cyberspace Administration of China. The “Great Firewall of China” exemplifies China’s commitment to information control, both domestically and internationally, and allows government control over the internet and information. By limiting domestic information access, the government controls the population’s understanding of other nations and restricts external access to Chinese-focused content, sites, etc.
 
A key component of China's cyber strategy is the concept of military-civil fusion, which encourages collaboration between the private sector and military and integrates resources. The fusion is evident in the activities of major Chinese tech firms like Huawei, Alibaba, and Tencent, which play significant roles in advancing China's cyber ambitions and provide irregular approaches to securing technological control over an increasing percentage of the world’s telecommunications and digital infrastructure outside China.
 
China's cyber strategy is also characterized by its use of state-sponsored hacking groups to conduct widespread and far-reaching cyber espionage and sabotage campaigns. The discovery of Volt Typhoon, a Chinese state-sponsored hacking group, and its activities underscores China's focus on gaining asymmetric advantage over the US and its allies by gaining persistent access to their critical infrastructure. The group uses the unconventional and irregular warfare tactic of “living off the land,” utilizing existing resources in the operating system of the targeted devices and systems rather than introducing new files that could trigger cybersecurity sensors or be more easily detected through forensic analysis. Volt Typhoon's objective appears to be long-term persistence within the target environment, or pre-positioning, giving China the placement and access to conduct future acts of sabotage and disruption.
 
Russian Federation
 
Russia's evolution as a cyber power began in the late 1990s and early 2000s and is encapsulated in initiatives like, the Information Security Doctrine of the Russian Federation. Moreover, Russia's cyber strategy is deeply rooted in the concept of political warfare and its understanding of cyberspace as a theater of military operations akin to land, sea, air, and space. However, political warfare for Russia includes a cognitive dimension that influences how they leverage cyberspace to achieve political outcomes. Russia’s approach to cyberspace, therefore, differs from the concepts espoused by US and other NATO-aligned nations and is characterized by a decentralized and asymmetric approach to cyber operations.
 
The Russian government views cyberspace as a critical domain for exerting influence and achieving geopolitical goals and their cyber ecosystem is a complicated tangle of state and non-state actors. The Federal Security Service, the Foreign Intelligence Service, and the Main Directorate of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation all have cyber units that conduct operations domestically and internationally. These agencies also recruit cybercriminals to carry out operations on their behalf, providing them with legal protection and resources in exchange for their services.
 
A key component of Russia's cyber strategy is the concept of information confrontation, an approach that integrates cyber operations, psychological operations, electronic warfare, and traditional military operations to achieve strategic objectives. Russia has been implicated in numerous cyber espionage and disruptive activities targeting both governmental and private sector entities worldwide. For instance, Russian cyber actors have been implicated in attacks on US election systems, energy grid, water systems, and other critical sectors. The operations are designed to foster instability, leveraging cyber operations, cyber espionage, influence campaigns, and other asymmetric tactics as force multipliers in geopolitical conflicts.
 
Furthermore, Russia has a long history of integrating cyber operations into its broader military strategy, relying on cyber capabilities during conflicts, like its ongoing invasion of Ukraine. The integration of cyber operations into Russia's broader political warfare framework, reminiscent of Soviet-era "active measures," further complicates attribution and response measures. Importantly, Russia’s approach to leveraging cyber operations and capabilities to disrupt critical infrastructure, spread disinformation, and conduct espionage underscores its asymmetric and irregular approach to confrontation with Western powers.
 
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
 
North Korea's growth as a cyber power also began in the early 2000s and is largely focused on leveraging its cyber capabilities to circumvent economic sanctions and finance its regime through illicit means. Directing North Korea’s cyber activity is its Reconnaissance General Bureau, with “Bureau 121” being responsible for conducting cyber espionage, financial theft, and disruptive cyberattacks. However, North Korea’s cyber capabilities are divided among several units, including the now-infamous Lazarus Group, Kimsuky, and APT37, known for their sophisticated cyber operations.
 
North Korea's cyber strategy seeks to develop defensive and offensive capabilities. On the defensive side, North Korea has invested heavily in protecting its critical infrastructure and sensitive data from cyberattacks. On the offensive side, North Korea has developed various capabilities to conduct cyber espionage, disinformation campaigns, and disruptive cyberattacks.
 
North Korea has been implicated in numerous cyber espionage and disruptive activities targeting both governmental and private sector entities worldwide. One of the most notable North Korean cyber operations is the 2014 Sony Pictures hack but the most significant is likely the 2017 WannaCry ransomware. WannaCry ransomware infected more than 200,000 computers in over 150 countries, causing widespread disruption by encrypting files on infected computers and demanding ransom payments in cryptocurrency. The attack is an example of North Korea's ability to conduct large-scale disruptive cyber operations and the regime's willingness to engage in asymmetric and irregular attacks to fund its government.
 
Islamic Republic of Iran
 
Iran's cyber proliferation began after the Stuxnet attack in 2010, an attack that targeted Iran’s nuclear enrichment facilities. Stuxnet highlighted the vulnerability of Iran’s critical infrastructure to foreign intervention and pushed the regime to invest heavily in developing cyber capabilities. As a result, Iran's cyber strategy has been focused on retaliatory cyber capabilities and driven by its perception that it is engaged in an ongoing conflict with the West over its nuclear program and other geopolitical issues. Unlike China and Russia, which primarily engage in cyber espionage, or North Korea, which engages in cybercrime and theft, Iran’s regime views cyber operations as a means of retaliating against sanctions and other forms of pressure from the international community.
 
Similar to North Korea, Iran's cyber strategy focuses on the development of defensive and offensive capabilities. On the defensive side, Iran has invested in protecting its critical infrastructure and sensitive data from cyberattacks and crafted defensive cyber doctrine to guide how the regime repels and mitigates cyberattacks against Iran. Offensively, Iran has developed various capabilities to conduct cyber espionage, disinformation campaigns, and disruptive cyberattacks.
 
Iran’s focus on retaliatory capabilities makes them a particularly volatile cyber actor, that is willing and able to launch disruptive attacks with little warning. For example, a significant Iranian cyber operation was Operation Ababil, which disrupted services at US financial institutions through a series of distributed denial-of-service attacks between 2011 and 2013. The Iranian hacking collective, Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Cyber Fighters, carried out the attacks and is believed to be state-sponsored. The operation was designed to impact major US banks and is understood as the regime’s retaliation against economic sanctions.
 
To date, Iran has been implicated in numerous cyber espionage and disruptive activities targeting both governmental and private sector entities worldwide. The Shamoon attack, which targeted Saudi Aramco in 2012, is among the most notable Iranian cyber operations. The attack used malware to cause irreparable damage to thousands of computers, rendering them useless by overwriting the master boot record, partition tables, and most files with random data. Shamoon demonstrated Iran's ability to conduct large-scale destructive cyberattacks and highlighted its willingness to use asymmetric attacks to achieve strategic goals.
 
Implications for Global Security
 
China's, Russia's, North Korea's, and Iran's collaborative and individual cyber strategies have significant implications for global security. Their activities undermine the stability provided by NATO and Western powers, posing complex, asymmetric, and irregular challenges to international norms and, more broadly, cybersecurity. State-sponsored cyber operations, like state-sponsored terrorism or political violence, are sophisticated attempts to erode trust in digital infrastructure and government or institutional functions by disrupting the integrity, availability or confidentiality of data, services, and other aspects of online and physical security. For example, China's cyber activities, including Volt Typhoon, have heightened tensions with the US, particularly over Taiwan. Similarly, Russian cyber operations have exacerbated conflicts in the former Soviet Bloc nations and strained relations with Western nations.
 
The cyber collaboration between China, Russia, North Korea, and Iran varies in scope; however, its aim always aligns with political goals that negatively impact the existing rules-based world order. For example, Russia leverages malware to attack Ukraine, which was developed by Scarab, a Chinese government-linked cyber group, and shares techniques on how best to leverage AI for attacking targets and “living off the land” persistence to avoid detection by cyber defenders.
 
Moreover, the cyber strategies' collaborative and sophisticated characteristics pose significant challenges for cybersecurity defenders. Traditional cybersecurity measures are often insufficient to counter the advanced tactics used by state-sponsored actors. NATO and Western powers must adopt a comprehensive approach that includes enhancing defensive capabilities, leveraging advanced technologies, fostering international cooperation, and developing offensive cyber strategies to effectively counter these threats. By doing so, they can safeguard the stability and security that have been our world's cornerstone since World War II's end.
 
Evan Morgan is the Founder of Cyber Defense Army, a cybersecurity consultancy and services firm that incorporates geopolitical risk in their cybersecurity practices for clients. He is a United States Air Force veteran.
 
Editor's note: This article is part of Project Cyber, which explores and characterizes the myriad threats facing the United States and its allies in cyberspace, the information environment, and conventional and irregular spaces. Please contact us if you would like to propose an article, podcast, or event environment. We invite you to contribute to the discussion, explore the difficult questions, and help.
 
The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not reflect the official position of the Irregular Warfare Initiative, Princeton University's Empirical Studies of Conflict Project, the Modern War Institute at West Point, or the United States Government.
 
Capt. Taiwan Veney, cyber warfare operations officer, watches members of the 175th Cyberspace Operations Group in the Hunter's Den at Warfield Air National Guard Base, Middle River, MD, June 3, 2017. (U.S. Air Force photo by J.M. Eddins Jr.)
 
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